Sociology studying in Korea, Feminist. Conscience adherents

Reading and thoughts on the 2 articles about Education study

The Intergenerational Influence of Educational and Historical Political Policies on Intergenerational Relations in Contemporary Society

Before reading, my expectations are in two aspects: First, understanding the extent to which changes in the national socialist system politics and political policies have affected the intergenerationalization of education. The other is the extent to which different community cultural backgrounds can influence individual socialization and decision-making.

By comparing and considering the impact of social conditions from different perspectives on intergenerational relations. I have doubts about the following questions.

First, in American society, to what extent do different perspectives of community neighborhood culture influence the future decision-making of young people in the community? To what extent does the negative impact on disadvantaged youths come from their communities and neighbourhoods? Second, in the national socialist system, will stronger social control and stronger political policy influence interfere with the mobility of intergenerational relations? Are there any influencing factors different from non-state socialism in the intergenerational nature of education? I hope that by reading these two articles, I can better understand the above issues.

In the article “Cultural Context, Sexual Behavior, and Romantic Relationships

in Disadvantaged Neighborhoods.” The author describes five situations that currently exist.


This article proposes a new conception of the cultural context of disadvantaged neighbourhoods — a conception that emphasizes the cultural heterogeneity of such neighbourhoods and the consequences of that heterogeneity for adolescent decision-making and outcomes.


The author thinks. The culture within poor neighbourhoods is not a single entity but rather a heterogeneous mix of lifestyles or orientations that individuals move between or draw upon as necessary. And that new cultural concepts such as frames, scripts, or repertoires into theorizing about culture in urban neighbourhoods provide an important theoretical bridge toward better understanding the relationship between culture and behaviour among adolescents in disadvantaged neighbourhoods.


With social context, To further unpack these issues,

Culture is a repertoire or tool kit. of symbols, stories, and worldviews that people use to solve different problems. Under this model, culture is not a unified system but a repertoire from which to draw.

Cultural as frames and scripts emphasize that frames are collectively constructed. Frames identify problems and assign blame, provide solutions or strategies, and provide a rationale for engaging in action. frames allow for cultural heterogeneity. Individuals can have multiple contradictory or competing frames that they deploy in different situations, and frames may have various levels of specificity.

Culture as the script, People of a common culture does not share a coherent, monolithic culture, but rather a set of available frames and scripts, objective structural conditions, and knowledge of what others do and think.


A lack of strong social ties in neighbourhoods means that social control is diminished — local institutions are weak and collective behaviour is more difficult. and lack of opportunities makes them necessary for survival.

Therefore, the author puts forward the first hypothesis: Adolescents in more disadvantaged neighbourhoods will exhibit greater heterogeneity of cultural frames and scripts.


First, because there is less consensus or agreement where there is greater cultural heterogeneity, it will be harder for an adolescent to choose between competing options. The result may be a weaker commitment to the chosen option and a lower likelihood of follow-through.

Second In a social environment in which many options are present and visible, there will be fewer people who have enacted a particular option. Because fewer people have followed a particular script to successful completion, there will be fewer examples of how to do so.

Based on the above, the second hypothesis is formed: In culturally heterogeneous neighbourhoods, there will be a weaker relationship between the scripts or frames that adolescents adopt and thei1994r corresponding future behaviour.

Research result

Analyze data through regression models. National Longitudinal Survey of Adolescent Health. Using data from Add health, From 1994–1995 and 1996. The article draws the following inspiration

First, findings regarding the consequences of neighbourhood cultural heterogeneity show how local or group cultural contexts can matter for behaviour, even when those local cultures are not starkly distinct or separate from other local cultures or the wider culture.

Second, this article provides another example of the utility of cognitive cultural concepts such as frames, scripts, and repertoires. In doing so, it also suggests a further specification of how repertoires operate. The activation of elements from one’s repertoire depends not just on one’s structural position but also on the relationships between various elements in the repertoire and on local social support for those elements.

Third, the importance of cultural heterogeneity suggests that not only are the meanings attached to cultural models important but how those meanings are organized and related to one another also has implications for behaviour.

In “Revolution, Reform, and Status Inheritance: Urban China, 1949–1996” The author do aware that China’s political trajectory is distinct from other communist regimes, So this study is firmly rooted in extending narrowly to the elite formation and the political dimensions of mobility characteristic of these regimes. further into questions of status inheritance, examining not only the advantages of the post-revolution party elite but also the fate of offspring of prerevolution elites during the Mao era and beyond.


According to the time dimension, the author divides the country into the Mao era and the post-Mao era. It also pointed out that the historical events formed by the two policies of the Mao era affected the intergenerational mobility of urban elites.


This section states: The primary mechanism through which the Maoist regime intervened in status transmission was the labelling of households. The classification system was based on the family’s employment status, income sources, and political loyalties at the time of the “liberation” of the local community. The specific class designations were detailed, but they were sorted into three broad categories.

The classification of identities is based on politics,

First, the categories themselves represent political judgments on the part of the regime about the inherent loyalties of families.

Second, the political dimensions of the classification system took precedence over the designations based on social class.

1. The red households overall comprised some 82% of the urban population, only 4.4% of which were in this smaller “revolutionary” group

2. The “black”, Exploiting social classes, defined by their property ownership — capitalists, landlords, and rich peasants — were assigned to this category. These groups were totaling some 3.4% of the urban population

3. The “middle” or “ordinary” category was judged to be neither inherently loyal to the party nor reactionary. This group included urban and rural middle classes: white-collar workers, professionals, small peddlers and shopkeepers, and self-sufficient “middle peasants.” 14.3% of the urban population.


In combination with the occupational and political status of parents after 1949, these political categories can be used to classify urban Chinese households into three different kinds of elites.

1. Revolutionary-cadre elite. All of the households with revolutionary class labels are included in this category, The vast majority of these (some 43% of the total) have proletarian labels. The remaining 10% were almost entirely from households with middle-class labels.

2. Party household, in which at least one of the parents was a member of the Communist Party. These household heads were the first generation to join the party after 1949.

3. The old elite, is in many ways a negative status, as it applies to those who were privileged in the prerevolution social order. The vast majority of these households (80%) were categorized as middle class, while the remainder had black class labels.


The most obvious mechanism through which household status is transmitted across generations is the class-label policy. Class labelling occurs at two important points in the life course.

1. Entry into the Communist Party.

2. Entry into the labour force and, subsequently, consideration for promotions

Research result

The Research analyze data from the urban sample of a nationally representative life-history survey of 3,087 urban adults ages 20–69. excludes the rural sample. aim to analyze changes through time in these urban occupational dynamics. And examine the odds that offspring from elite households attain three kinds of positions: party membership, an elite administrative post, and an elite profession.


In the post-Mao period, the advantages of the revolutionary-cadre households endured while those of party households disappeared. Within the old elite category, discrimination against black households was far more severe than that against middle-class households in the Mao period, The effects that were detected for the entire Mao period were in fact due to the impact of the Cultural Revolution.


There are two distinct types of elite occupations in the post-1949 period.

1. Elite Administrative Posts: Elite government and management positions are prestigious posts that involve decision-making authority over individuals and assets. found that the advantages for new elite households in the post-Mao era were restricted to the revolutionary cadre households — the advantages of those from party households disappeared.

2. Elite Professional Posts: High professional positions are prestigious posts that involve the exercise of rare skills and that receive relatively high levels of remuneration, but they lack the authority that is exercised in managerial posts. The advantages of old elite households in both the Mao and post-Mao eras are actually due entirely to advantages that accrued to those from middle-class households.

What the article and analysis prove and verifies

1. The remarkable extent to which Mao’s Cultural Revolution succeeded in halting — or perhaps reversing — the ability of new elite households to transmit elite status to their offspring.

2. In the analysis of party membership, where the offspring of the old elite were admitted to the party at much lower rates than the new elite and all other households. This discrimination did not deter them from attaining elite positions, however, it simply steered them away from administrative posts and toward the elite professions. the offspring of old elite households still enjoyed large net advantages in attaining elite professional posts even during the Mao period., despite the discrimination enshrined in the political labels that had such a clear impact on party membership.

Observations during the transformation of the Chinese market

1. Party membership: the massive impact of party membership in the attainment of an elite administrative post also remains undiminished in the era of market reform. The reason is that China is still a one-party country after the economic transition.

2. The post-Mao era: The politically connected new elite households now enter elite administrative posts at higher net rates than others — although again, this advantage is restricted to the revolutionary-cadre households.

3. The fate of old elite households in the post-Mao era: The strategy that they adopted in the Mao years still leads to advantages in the professional career line, which depends very heavily on educational credentials. Middle-class family heritage is the only household category that still confers a net advantage in an elite professional career.

Combine two articles on the views of urban social education and intergenerational mobility. Thinking about the education problems in urban communities in contemporary society and politics on intergenerational mobility.

The impact of the cultural background of the neighborhood in the urban community on the life decisions of young people. The article shows statistical relevance. It is believed that in disadvantaged neighbourhoods and neighbourhoods with more cultural heterogeneity, teenagers are less likely to act according to their own clear framework and scripts. We hope to provide an interpretation of oppositional culture, acting white and other behaviours through the cultural level. The disadvantaged neighbourhood has not been separated from the mainstream and society. It is a cross-cultural background model, which cannot provide a model of cultural and behavioural norms for local young people. Affected the socialization of young people. I think this will help eliminate prejudice and misunderstandings about unfavourable neighbourhoods. It helps to think about the deep-seated reasons of disadvantaged areas for education and career planning and choices. I think the cultural dimension is not good for the youth in the neighborhood. Interpersonal communication did not produce the expected adverse effects. The demonstration effect brought by the media, the impact on young people, and the intervention of young people’s socialization process may gradually be higher than the family’s impact on young people. The media will exaggerate special non-universal cases, but they will make people think that special cases are universal and will also affect the socialization process of young people. However, human subjective initiative, how much motivation it can produce in the process of socialization, and how much influence it produces in social stratification, still cannot be quantitatively analyzed.

Second, it can be seen from the flow of China’s elite class. The actual changes in China’s intergenerational mobility caused by policies have not exerted a strong influence on China’s core middle class, which is closely related to the Communist Party. But the policy still had a huge impact on the part of the non-communists and the proletarian red class. I think this result needs to be considered from two aspects.

1. Will policy and socio-political or economic transformation affect the intergenerational mobility of urban classes? How much can education intervene? I think there are still positive effects of political policy interventions in education or intergenerational mobility. Policies can promote the decentralization of educational resources. Enhance class mobility. But at the same time, policies will also be affected by the ideology of the ruling class or capital. Whether it is a national socialist country or not, universal participation and transparency in policy-making are the basis for policy-making.

2. Second, compared with National Socialism, the vast majority of other countries in the world are not have one-party systems. How much influence will the political parties of so many party systems have on the intergenerational mobility of the elite class? For example, how sensitive is the upper class or the chaebol class to politics? I think education is still the reason for an important influence on this issue. But the elite class’s grasp of education is different from that of the general public. They are closely integrated with the social system. This is related to the political system, but more to the economy. The elites’ control of resources gradually reduces inter-generational mobility. I think extensive participation in political policies can increase the motivation for class movement.


1. Harding, David J. 2007. “Cultural Context, Sexual Behavior, and Romantic Relationshipsin Disadvantaged Neighborhoods.” American Sociological Review 72(3):341-3644.

2. Walder, Andrew G. and Songhua Hu. 2009. “Revolution, Reform, and Status Inheritance:Urban China, 1949–1996.” American Journal of Sociology 114(5):1395-1427

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